[The following post is in response to "
Debating the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel." Please post responses at
https://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=36687254&postID=7993621286101952169.]
Paul Croce
The ASA boycott should remind liberals that Israeli political and military actions have been doing the work of conservative ideologies.
The American Studies
Association’s academic boycott of Israel, for “policies that violate [the]
human rights” of Palestinians, will have little tangible political significance. The tremendous reaction to the bold words of
a relatively small academic organization is based on a topic central to the
concerns of American studies, the clashing political cultures of the US.
But the role of
American politics in this issue is not immediately clear in the arguments
opposing the ASA’s action, which are expressly based on the proper role of an
academic organization in relation to political events. Most critics insist that this organization
for the study of United States culture is stepping outside its specialized
purview and that the boycott will intrude on proper academic discourse.
Critics of the
boycott have shown dismay for the singling out of just one nation for boycott,
but make no mention of the very large, steadfast American support for Israel
whose military has dealt with Palestinians aggressively, most baldly with
support of settlements that displace Palestinians.
This dynamic is a
reminder of the situation in American universities in the mid-1960s. Higher education was a sector of society as
segregated as most American workplaces, and many university activities involved
government contracts, often for military work; however, university
administrators were largely neutral on the emerging movement for Civil Rights,
and mostly indifferent to American military involvements, especially in
Vietnam. Many students with some faculty
support asked for a broadening of education to include discussion of race
relations and war and peace; most administrators largely rejected these calls
arguing that they lay beyond the proper bounds of academic inquiry, labeling
them “outside issues,” or even subversive.
As in the 1960s, the
current debate over the boycott hinges on questions about what constitutes legitimate
academic inquiry, with topics at a scholarly remove from politics, or with immersion
in such debates?
The ASA has
repeatedly opted for cultural involvement.
I first learned American Studies from William McLoughlin, a productive
scholar in religious and Native American history, and a constant agitator for social
justice; he had a poster in his office with a quotation from Ralph Waldo
Emerson, “Action to the scholar is secondary, but essential.”
Although an “obscure
academic organization” to contemporary readers of National Review, the
American Studies Association included members who were vocal critics of Senator
Joseph McCarthy and active supporters of Civil Rights in the 1950s and 1960s. The ASA has continued to be an agent for
insisting that intellectuals keep attuned to cultural trends that shape power
relations.
While the recent
boycott is in keeping with the organization’s activist history and character,
many are also questioning the wisdom of this particular political step, when
many nations harbor human rights abuses.
This is a legitimate concern, although it has generally been argued as
part of support for militarist power policies with impatience for any objection
to such abuses.
The ASA declared its
focus on Israel because of “the unparalleled military and financial ties
between the U.S. and Israel.” This
organization for the study of American culture is pointing to that special
relationship, so often assumed or ignored; and it joins a growing minority of
scholars and advocates seeking to shift the rhetorical agenda by encouraging
debate about Israeli policies and about the US role in support of them.
The critics of the
boycott raise important concerns since boycotts can hamper the free flow of ideas,
and the boycott is directed at universities, which are indeed engaged in much
cutting-edge scientific research, often with humanitarian benefits. The ASA addresses this by directing its
boycott not at individuals but at institutions that are party to policies
undercutting human rights—a Sisyphus task, and further reminder of the limited
power of the ASA.
The ASA president
Curtis Marez has been ridiculed for sounding frivolous when he defended the
boycott by saying, “We have to start somewhere,” as if it were an action of
feckless meandering. However, given the
prevalent American attitudes about the Middle East, this may actually be the
organization’s trump card for its daring to challenge the longstanding inertia
about a seemingly impossible situation.
The current mainstream
US narrative is that the situation in Israel and its environs is a mess, and the
Arabs in general and the Palestinians in particular are untrustworthy. Add to this, for a significant minority of Americans,
Islam is an illegitimate religion, and many even believe that it will fall sway
in an epochal battle that will bring the victory, not of Jews, but of
Christians. In fact, a higher percentage
of American white evangelicals than of American Jews support Israeli claims to
Palestinian land.
Within this cacophony,
according to the mainstream narrative, Israel represents our team in the
region, with its harsh measures fulfilling American interests. This narrative is often presented as both a moral
defense of Jews, and as a practical necessity for sustaining American power in
this sector of the globe. With its lack
of attention to the Palestinians, the path also suggests a bleak future for
Israeli Jews in tense relations with the other Semites in their midst. As fear and anger stokes both sides, lack of
hope will push peace out of reach, with cycles of displacement followed by
terrorism, and large military reprisals spurring more frantic violence, and on
and on. The move to boycott, which
emerged in response to Palestinian requests for support, is a welcome turn to
nonviolence that should be applauded by all sides—except, of course, for those
who find Arab terror useful for maintaining fear and justifying robust military
policies.
The current mainstream
narrative generally includes stories of Israel’s democratic qualities and its contributions
to science and culture, and finds outrage in cutting off any support, with fear
that a boycott may be only the first step.
And indeed, Israel is one of the most Western nations in the region; its
Jewish majority is more “like us” in the “Judeo-Christian” US than most Arabs and
Muslims who live in majority Third World conditions, and who in their
frustration have often turned to tragic and hopeless violence against Israel
and the US, even as many of the Arab militants gain support from fellow Arabs
grown wealthy from Western oil purchases.
But what the mainstream
narrative generally does not acknowledge is the massive displacement of
Palestinians from their homes, the settlement of half a million Israelis into
territory where Palestinians had lived, military control of much of their
population, and their loss of civil rights, even with construction of a
containment wall (there is graffiti on one portion of the wall saying “Ich bin
ein Berliner,” recalling John Kennedy’s defiance of the Berlin Wall in 1963).
Harry Truman himself
feared, even as he became a hero to Jews for overseeing the creation of the
state of Israel in 1948, that the “underdogs” would become the “top dogs,” as
John Judis points out in his Genesis: Truman, American Jews, and the Origin
of the Arab/Israeli Conflict. Jews
have clearly suffered a tragic and brutal history, a history that encouraged
Truman and countless Americans, rightly, to sympathize with their plight, and
to support an independent Jewish state as a kind of insurance policy against
any future oppression.
Now, the
contemporary state of Israel is a regional superpower supported by the world’s
superpower, and the premium on that insurance policy is coming due with a
society in constant fear and unending military actions.
What’s your
narrative? There are abundant facts and
interpretations on either side: you can emphasize the victimhood of Jews or of Palestinians,
or the history of aggressions by Israel or by Arab terrorists. We can choose to choose the facts that
support one side, or we can try to listen to the diverse parts of the whole
complexity surrounding Israel and the Palestinians. Awareness of the whole picture is fostering a
groundswell with the ASA joining a few other academic groups, many American
Jews, and even some American evangelicals for an international movement to
direct forceful non-violence against policies that impose military power
against an ethnic group. Feeling the economic
pinch, even some Israeli business leaders have called for more peaceful
policies.
Are Israelis and
Americans willing to risk the moral hazard of maintaining millions of Arabs in
stateless subordination, the social hazard of living in constant fear of
reprisal terrorism, and the economic hazard of large militaries—funded by the
US budget with 40 cents of debt for every dollar spent—to keep this structure
afloat?
Criticism of these
policies is by no means an endorsement of terrorism or of arguments against
Israel’s legitimacy. In fact, the kinds
of policies that could emerge from such loyal criticism would be a tactical
maneuver deflating support for terror and strengthening the state of Israel—not
to mention improving the quality of life for its residents (who are themselves
one quarter non-Jewish).
The ASA has made an
attempt to shine some light on the minority narrative in American
discussions. The fact that the majority narrative
and longstanding unquestioning support for Israel are not sustainable does not
mean that other suggestions will be perfect or even that any solution is readily
apparent; but what is apparent is that certain actions will make the volatile
situation worse, especially Arab terrorism and military-enforced Israeli settlements
in disputed territories, both of which inflame tempers and make any steps
toward peace less likely. Terrorism is
the total war of the powerless, and military crackdowns are the terrorism of
the powerful; in fact, when Israel was in formation, many beleaguered Jews
resorted to terrorism.
I am reminded of a
bathroom flood in my office building a few years ago. With water gushing out of the WC and into the
hallway, I waded in, looking for the source of the flow and held my hand on a
part that would stop it. It did. And someone said: that is hardly a
solution. True. And I hereby declare the limits to my
plumbing skills. But until a more
thorough solution could emerge, the choice of where to place my hand stopped a
bad situation from getting worse. The
ASA placed its rather small hand on a hemorrhaging tragedy; there are many
opportunities for keeping the situation from getting worse, starting with
personal connections, trade among the residents, and the movement for
non-violent pressure against militant policies.
It would be a
tragedy if criticism of the ASA about the proper role for an academic
organization would distract from the main purpose of the boycott: to shed light
on the way that Israeli policies toward Palestinians have become a chapter in
the contemporary American culture war between neo-conservative support of
aggressive military strength by contrast with progressive hopes to scale back
military action and spending in favor of diplomatic solutions. Within this American polarization, ironically,
the boycott has prompted some academic progressives to affiliate with Israel’s
military measures for dealing with a population within its dominion.
The American Studies
Association has not artificially intruded into a Middle East topic; it has
offered a reminder that Israeli political and military actions have been doing
the work of conservative ideologies, but in liberal disguise.
Paul Croce is Professor
of History and Chair of the American Studies Program
Stetson University,
DeLand, FL, USA